[MD] Neoconservatism
Matt Kundert
pirsigaffliction at hotmail.com
Mon May 22 10:25:32 PDT 2006
DMB,
David, of course I'm on your side politically. When you say that "I suppose
you think Pirsig's complaints about the pragmatists inability to prevent
political horrors like fascism is just some lame and irrelevant tangent,"
you're more or less right because I have no idea how a _philosophy_ is
supposed to prevent political horrors, which is Rorty's point. You deal
with fascism with politics (and armies when nothing else works). Rorty's
point is that to treat Cheney and Wolfowitz and Kristol as theorists, rather
than thugs, is to A) give them far more credit then they deserve) and B)
distract attention away from the way we should be treating them--as thugs
who need to be voted out. They are just greedy bastards, and that's how we
should treat them.
Now, I will grant you that that's not _all_ they are. They are trying to
return to what you called pre-modern values or Victorian values. And that
is scarry. But I don't philosophical argument is entirely in point here,
either. Pirsig's distinctions work well, but I don't take them as
philosophical distinctions that, as would be a kind of consequence of your
portrait of lame pragmatism, pragmatists couldn't use. I read Pirsig as
doing some good cultural criticism that anybody can pick up and use (or
disregard as Platt does) whether or not they accept Quality or the
static/Dynamic distinction, stuff that I think swings free of his
philosophical system.
I can't remember if you'd ever read Rorty's little book Achieving Our
Country, and what you'd thought of it. It's rather short and describes
(from Rorty's amateuish historical point of view) the political history of
the 20th century. Rorty's main point is that the Left has been cut into
two: the Reformist Left (roughly New Deal leftism) and the Academic/Cultural
Left (born of the 60s). Rorty thinks that the switch to cultural politics
has produced great movements and reform, but it has caused the left to
forget about what got them into power to produce great reform: class
politics. Rorty thinks, and I tend to agree, that greed is what's
motivating this thuggish administration and cultural politics is just the
instrument they're using to divide Americans and get at least half of them
on their side. Rorty wrote AOC in 1997, but even then he was writing that
the Democrats' focus on cultural politics was playing into the Republicans'
hands by distracting everybody's attention away from all the money the
Republicans wanted to steal. And that's what's happened. Just one recent
example: last week the Republicans called a super-secret,
behind-closed-doors session of some committee (the judiciary, maybe) to
discuss an amendment to the Constitution banning Gay marriage (roughly, my
details may be off). Russ Feingold (who I love dearly, all the more because
he's _my_ Senator and I can be geographically proud of him) objected that
the session was even taking place and stormed out of the room. I listen to
Air American all week, and pretty much everybody (Fraken, Randy Rhodes, Big
Ed) was in agreement that this was the Republicans' attempt to distract
attention, by focusing on the divisive "gay issue" (which is what partly won
them the last election), from the huge, stupid and greedy tax cuts they gave
to the rich the week before (not to mention the committee hearings on
Hayden, of which Feingold had to run to after the amendment meeting).
My point is not that cultural politics aren't important. Far from it. But I
have two points--one, that philosophy is pretty remote most of the time from
politics and two, that it might be more efficacious for us strategically to
refocus on class politics in the political arena. We can get a much bigger
majority on those issues.
David, you've known for a long time that I'm on your side politically. I'm
usually in almost total agreement when you launch political arguments (most
of which are remote from Pirsig's books) and cultural arguments (which are
influenced by Pirsig's anti-Victorianism) against Platt. What I shy away
from is when you try and hook up Pirsig's cultural criticism with his more
abstract philosophical parts--like the Quality thesis and the static/Dynamic
distinction. I don't think there's a very tight connection there, if for no
other reason than those distinctions are so abstract. Platt fills them in
one way for his arguments, you fill them in another way for yours. I say,
keep talking about Victorianism and the virtues of egalitarian democracy
against Platt, and don't get hung up on talking about Straussian philosophy.
That's just a distraction. I think Rorty was right that the so-called
Straussians in the administration don't even want to argue about Strauss.
They just want to take everybody's money and rule the world. They'll do it
anyway they can, and if extoling Strauss helps, they'll do it. If it
doesn't, they'll ignore it. As far as an efficient method of getting them
out of office, I say screw the Strauss stuff and stick to how they are
taking all of our money and screwing the entire country for generations to
come.
So when you say at the end that "Our disagreements about mysticism don't
effect this area of the pragmatic tradition in America, right?", I think you
are absolutely right and that that's been my point about pragmatism and why
I think Pirsig's attack on James' pragmatism was at cross-purposes--views
about mysticism, epistemology, and metaphysics are besides the point when
talking about politics. I think Pirsig's systematic philosophy is totally
divorcible from the cultural criticism he did, just as James' politics was
from his philosophy (and Nietzsche's was from his philosophy). He could've
done it without it, and he could've just as easily have not done it at all.
Rorty's often argued that we tailor our philosophy to our politics, and I
think that's what we see when we take the example of Platt. Many of us here
(you, me, Anthony, etc.) agree with the cultural criticism and the politics
that seem to be hiding behind Pirsig's books. Platt doesn't. But he
tailors quite easily the abstract sections of Pirsig's philosophy to suit
his needs. I don't think there's anything we can say to stop him. I think
Pirsig tailored his systematic philosophy to the cultural and political
criticisms he wanted to make, but when you go abstract, the pieces become
cooptable. So what if Platt's getting Pirsig wrong? Platt can just reply
that Pirsig got his own philosophy wrong, that the conceptual instruments he
used really imply something else. As a "real" Pirsigian (someone who might
agree with Pirsig on nearly all issues), Platt loses, but that doesn't
matter on the level of defeating Platt at philosophy, and neither of them
matter in defeating him at politics and cultural criticism.
Matt
p.s. Alice, yes, the thugs I was talking about were Bush and his cronies.
p.p.s. DMB, if you're interested or have the time, there's an article of
Rorty's online that takes another angle on current American politics. It
again argues that philosophy is irrelevant to politics, but it also forwards
a distinction in the beginning between democracy-as-constitutionalism and
democracy-as-egalitarianism to catch the difference between American
rightists and leftists. So, whatever your disagreements with the
"philosophy is irrelevant" thing, the distinction might prove to be a useful
weapon to beat about the heads of rightists like Platt.
http://www.iranculturestudies.com/english/02_fund-study.html
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