[MD] Barfuesserkirche (ZMM & Dewey)
Arlo Bensinger
ajb102 at psu.edu
Tue Oct 24 06:37:45 PDT 2006
Some thoughts on the commodification of education. This is a bit long,
blame it on the coffee and the dreary morning here in central PA.
To many (all) of the questions about education I offered as discussion
points, Platt's reply to them all was "let the market decide". How far does
this go? Should the market decide who should learn? What math is taught? If
education caters to the market, I believe education will serve the
exclusive purpose of "job skills".
Platt also mentions "vouchers", which have been discussed here before. I
had written this before, a passage on the educational system of Denmark,
and it bears repeating. "There is no legal obligation to attend school in
Denmark, only an obligation to have some form of education. If a group of
parents wish to set up a special school for their children because they
have their own particular view of man and the world, they are entitled of
state support for running it. Parents also have a right to educate their
children at home themselves, so long as they can show that it is actually
done. There is broad agreement both among the population at large and in
Parliament that it cannot be left to a monopoly of public authority to lay
down rules on the true way of life." Is this the model we should be
considering?
Many eons ago, a former (sadly) participant Mark Heyman wrote "rather than
privitizing education and playing the vouchers game, why not shift some of
the tax base from wealthy communities to poorer ones? Or, why not dip into
the state and federal tax base in order to bring the public education
system of poorer communities into line with public schools in the wealthy
communities? Why are we asked to be satisfied with great public education
for kids from wealthy families, while kids from poorer families go
without?" My stance on vouchers is conditional, being a supporter of
charter, alternative and schools such as these. But vouchers, as they are
touted by conservatives, do not move towards the Danish model mentioned,
but rather towards stratification where wealth plays the significant role
in determining the quality of education a child/person receives (it is also
for this reason I find the American university system condemnable). Mati
Palm-Leis had a novel suggestion for Platt last time "vouchers" were
offered as a market-solution to education. "Education is charged with
leaving no child left behind. Why don't we make the same charge with our
community and dare say families. The fact is many schools are working
harder than before with greater expectations. They should and our kids
deserve it. Platt I challenge you as a retiree to the following. Offer to
tutor a kid in your local school twice a week for a semester."
Such a charge misses because Mati assumes (I believe), along with Dewey,
that tending to communal life is an important activity. Getting involved,
community-supported and situated education is antithetical to both the
Fordist model of the present day educational system, and the resultant
stratification vouchers would bring. But it is precisely THIS fix that the
DFSs (and the others) suggest. Rather than turn over failing schools to
"the market", turn them over to "the community". Of course, as Dewey
surmised, such a things works only when "the community" is valued, and the
individuals understand that community involvement matters. To the
"atomistic individualist", this is heresy. Which is why its funny to watch
the very schools and system that evidence free-market education be attacked
for their audacity to suggest that communal involvement is interwoven with
the role of education.
In an essay titled "Education for sale! The commodification of everything"
(http://72.14.209.104/search?q=cache:dSg6Ac94Wm4J:epsl.asu.edu/ceru/Articles/CERU-0410-253-OWI.pdf+commodification+education&hl=en&gl=us&ct=clnk&cd=1&client=firefox-a),
Stephen Ball of the University of London writes, "in an attempt to achieve
some balance, almost exclusively, the costs of various kinds of private
participation and privatisation. For while I am happy to concede that there
are benefits to be obtained from some forms of privatisation of public
services, these benefits are widely rehearsed and sometimes exaggerated,
while the costs, and I mean primarily social costs, are systematically
neglected."
This mirrors Dewey's concern that "[b]oth capitalists and socialists are
wrong in absolutizing solely economic values. Economic factors are genuine
determinants of experience, but they are not the sole determinants, and by
themselves they can move society only toward economic ends. It is up to the
people, to a "public," to determine genuine social ends -- such as freedom,
equality, communication, democracy, community, etc., as well as to work
together using social means to bring about these social ends."
Ball also mentions what I had said about the institution being more
concerned with its role as an "exchange institution" (intellectual
production for social capital) rather than its role nurturing the
production of intellectual capital in the first place. He writes,
"'students have been explicitly constituted as "customers", a development
that further reinforces the idea that a degree is a commodity that
(hopefully) can be exchanged for a job rather than as a liberal education
that prepares students for life... Here then we have various aspects of the
transformation of social relations into a thing. As part of seeking after
new 'markets' and the re-orientation to the customer, new forms of
'delivery' and consumption of Higher Education are being created which can
result in learning becoming increasingly fragmented. The curriculum is
reorganised as a sequence of knowledge gobbets ...which can be transferred
as 'credits' and combined in novel ways with no guarantee of internal
coherence".
In an article on India's educational problem, Sudha Sitarman concludes
"What is new however, is that the new rhetoric on improving education
proposes to recast it by cleansing it of its non-competing students and
incompetent teachers who are unwilling to improve education. It believes
that the state of affairs could be corrected only through market solutions.
The key to those market solutions, it says, is through privatisation and by
turning every aspect of education into a commodity. Myopic policies like
this take away the benefits of refined education that could emerge though
higher learning. Non-emphasis on the pursuit of higher learning and
creativity could only plunge India into the sweatshop model that the new
economy doggedly pursues."
Of course, the commodification belies the foundational claim of the
mercantilists, that EVERYTHING is a market commodity. Education, health
care, people, everything. Everything is reducible to a market object. As
I've said many times, this can be summed entirely and precisely be
rewriting "man is the measure of all things" to "money is the measure of
all things". This base reduction to a world entirely guided by economic
concerns is challenged by Dewey, and by Pirsig who wrote of the outcome of
such a foundation in ZMM.
Finally, Platt bemoans an "educator class", dismissing the notion that
"educators" can possibly know more about education than anyone else. But
don't mathematicians know more about math than most other people? Should we
condemn the rise of a "mathematician class" of people who arrogantly
presume to know more about math than everyone else? Should we dismiss what
the mathematicians say in determining how and what math is taught? What
about music? Ham has been vocal in the past on a condemnation of everything
"rock". On what basis do we teach kids about Mozart, Bach or Handel if not
that "experts know more about music than we do"? In "The Closing of the
American Mind", Allan Bloom argues for a return to the classics. On what
basis is that not an arrogant presumption of someone who thinks they know
what's best for "my kid"?
E.D. Hirsch, conservative author of "Cultural Literacy" writes, "achieving
high universal literacy ought to be a primary focus of educational reform
in this country". Is it the arrogance of an "educator class" that leads him
to propose "We help people in the underclass rise economically by teaching
them how to communicate effectively beyond a narrow social sphere, and that
can only be accomplished by teaching them shared, traditional literate
culture"?
Just some thoughts....
PS: As I am preparing to send this, a new post from Platt asked "I presume
(since you agree to vouchers) that you would also allow me to send my kids
to military school if I so choose." Certainly, no one is forced to attend
any of the aforementioned schools. But let me clarify, I am not for
vouchers in the way they are presented in the modern debate. I am all about
choice, but not about turning education into a market object.
PSS: Platt's latest post also says, "If you want to send your kids to a
school that doesn't set standards and doesn't measure accomplishment, fine
with me." If you are against an "educator class", on what basis do we "set
standards" and "measure accomplishment"? If its the "free market", how can
we ensure that an "A" in math in Pennsylvania is the same as an "A" in math
in the Carolinas? Or is grading always subjective? If so, doesn't that make
Pirsig's dialogue on abolishing grades accurate? But if we do that we are
not "setting standards" or "measuring accomplishment", are we?
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